During a weekly Republican meeting Tuesday morning, Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) upped the ante when he stood up and called on Johnson to resign after announcing that he signed on to Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene’s plan to depose him, known as a motion to vacate.
That means that if Democrats choose not to rescue Johnson, Republicans would need just a simple majority to oust their second speaker in six months, causing the House to descend further into chaos during an election year when their slender grasp on the majority is at stake. Republicans appear seriously divided not only about the possible effort to eject Johnson, but also on the foreign aid bills, especially the Ukraine aid that a strident faction staunchly opposes.
Massie said he had warned the speaker in a private conversation “weeks ago” that if the motion to oust him is called to the floor, and Democrats do not help bail him out, Republicans would be successful in removing him as speaker because “we’re steering everything toward what [Senate Majority Leader] Chuck Schumer wants.”
“The motion is going to get called, okay? Does anybody doubt that? The motion will get called, and then he’s going to lose more votes than Kevin McCarthy,” Massie said, referencing the previous GOP speaker who lost the gavel when eight Republicans joined all Democrats to oust him in October.
“I am not resigning,” Johnson said defiantly at a news conference Tuesday, calling the threat “absurd” as Republicans are “trying to do their job.”
“We need steady leadership. We need steady hands on the wheel,” he said. “Look, I regard myself as a wartime speaker.”
The effort to remove Johnson, if Greene moves ahead, would only further divide an already fractured conference that has proven extraordinarily difficult to manage. House Republicans made history by ousting one speaker in the last year and have struggled to pass conservative legislation as far-right members protest bills that don’t meet their test for ideological purity. The GOP’s inability to compromise has weakened the speaker’s hand in negotiations with a Democratic-led Senate and White House, leading Johnson to insist repeatedly that House Republicans can only do so much with one lever of power.
Johnson called President Biden Monday evening to brief him on the details of his proposal, White House press secretary Karine Jean Pierre said. He also read in Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) ahead of time.
The speaker’s proposal, according to multiple sources, mirrors the Senate-passed $95 billion national security bill, which includes $60 billion in new funds for Ukraine, $14 billion for Israel, $9 billion in humanitarian assistance to Gaza, and $5 billion to aid Indo-Pacific allies against Chinese threats.
Johnson plans to add another bill including Republican national security priorities such as the seizure of Russian assets and a House-approved bill that could ban TikTok from the United States, among other measures. But the uproar from Republicans has sent Johnson back to the drawing board and it’s unclear what the final text will look like.
“It is not helpful to the cause, it is not helpful to the country, it does not help House Republicans advance our agenda,” Johnson said about the disruption by his members, including the possible move to topple him.
Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-La.) also acknowledged that managing “a small majority makes it very difficult to govern.”
Furthermore, even as dissatisfaction with Johnson continues to gather steam, no one seems to have a clear idea of who could garner enough support to replace him. But the gamesmanship behind the scenes has begun among members and their allies as people start to position themselves should the speakers’ chair become vacant.
Rep. Troy E. Nehls (R-Tex.), a member of the Freedom Caucus, voiced the concern of many conservatives if Johnson is tossed aside: “If it’s not him, then who can manage this conference?”
“If we’re going to identify a problem with Mike Johnson, I understand. But you have to have a solution,” he said. “There is not anybody in that room I just walked out of that can manage this conference.”
Last month, Greene filed a motion to eject Johnson after he and a minority of Republicans funded the government based on an agreement between President Biden and McCarthy.
Filing such a measure, however, does nothing to force the House to consider it. Greene would have to move the motion under special rules triggering a House vote in 48 hours. She would not, however, commit on Tuesday to a timeline to force a vote, something that she solely controls.
“I think it was significant that [Massie] co-sponsored the motion to vacate. And it also lets people know this is a lot more serious than people realize,” Greene said Tuesday.
Besides Greene, just two other Republicans are needed to oust the speaker — one more than has publicly declared they will do so. But the margin narrows to one besides Greene on Friday, when Rep. Mike Gallagher (R-Wis.) is planning to resign and the GOP will have a one-seat majority.
Greene claimed there are more Republicans who oppose Johnson than the eight that voted to remove McCarthy though she wouldn’t name them. She declared that resigning is “really the best choice” for the speaker because then Johnson will have to rely on Democrats to keep his gavel.
“That would not be a sustainable position for our entire conference because we want a Republican speaker, not a Democrat speaker,” she told reporters.
Democrats have indicated they may be willing to save Johnson’s job if it comes to that, but much depends on the final text of his foreign aid package. They helped tank McCarthy’s speakership after the former speaker refused to ask for their help. They largely trust Johnson, however, to keep his word and respect him for recognizing that compromise is necessary to ensure high-priority bills land on the president’s desk.
Many Republicans left Tuesday’s meeting frustrated their colleagues are once again pushing to derail the legislative process and they may have to rely on the minority party to govern. Republicans are privately griping over what it means to be a conservative lawmaker under such circumstances — and the dysfunction has made some so angry that more members are privately telling colleagues they may retire.
Conservatives complained about a single member having the power to set demands and dangle threats over the speaker, a condition McCarthy grudgingly accepted to secure the speaker’s job.
Rep. Dan Meuser (R-Pa.) argued that such an extreme move was created for situations in which the House leader was caught in scandal or had committed a crime, “Not this. Not someone being so deliberative and working as hard as [Johnson] can … I think it’s dead wrong.”
“The last thing this country needs is to throw a speaker out, although I disagree with what he’s doing … I wouldn’t put the country through that,” said Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.), a member of the House Freedom Caucus.
And four chairs of House national security committees and a subcommittee are issued a statement in favor of the Johnson package. They are part of a faction of the Republican conference advocating for foreign policy aid but are drowned out by the naysayers.
“There is nothing our adversaries would love more than if Congress were to fail to pass critical national security aid,” Reps. Michael McCaul (R-Tex.), Mike Rogers (R-Ala.), Michael R. Turner (Ohio), Tom Cole (Okla.) and Ken Calvert (R-Calif.) said in a statement.
The way forward on the foreign aid bills is also murky.
Johnson had delayed for weeks making a decision on the Senate-passed $95 billion national security bill providing military support for Israel, Ukraine and Taiwan. He has tried to thread a delicate needle by allocating funding for Ukraine, promising to address border security and attempting to appease some on his right flank.
But his effort has fallen largely flat. The speaker is far short of the Republican votes needed to pass the procedural vote, known as a rule, to later this week consider the legislation. Some Republicans are angry that after months of saying that border security is the number one priority, the Johnson plan doesn’t include it, despite rejecting an opportunity to consider a tough bipartisan border security bill earlier this year.
Johnson, however, indicated his proposal could change either by adding border language to a foreign aid bill or allowing such language be offered as an amendment.
Democrats have signaled they will help pass the procedural motion needed to consider the foreign aid bills, but only if those measures are identical to the Senate-approved package. They’ve expressed similar sentiments about saving Johnson’s job if he moves a robust foreign aid bill. But the situation is extremely fluid and anything could happen.
Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) said Tuesday morning that Democrats would not support “a penny less” than what’s currently in the Senate bill for humanitarian relief. Democrats have been told the bill will include $9 billion in humanitarian aid, which is the same amount as the Senate bill, but they’re waiting to see the text before communicating a path forward. Republican aides confirm that humanitarian aid is expected to be in the bill.
White House National Security Communications Adviser John Kirby echoed House Democrats, noting that the Pentagon is waiting for more details before announcing whether it backs Johnson’s plan. At first blush, he said, “it looks like it addresses our needs.”